Bruce Moon, Parihaka, Tatarakihi, Treatygate

Bruce Moon: Parihaka film 'propaganda'

This is Bruce Moon’s review of the Parihaka film, to which he alluded in the previous post.

I have mixed feelings about this post, as I have known and liked the executive producer of Tatarakihi, Gaylene Preston, for 25 years.

Nonetheless, as I say so often, truth matters.

This is what Bruce wrote…


I went to see the much-lauded film Tatarakihi in Nelson on Monday night, 5th November.

It was accompanied by a live presentation, led by Maata Wharehoka, a well-known partisan of Parihaka.

She is a personable and confident lady, but that should not make what she says immune to criticism.

Earlier this year, she gave a very unbalanced account of Parihaka history to Pamela Wade, and this was printed in the NZ Herald.

I sent the Herald a detailed account of the false and misleading statements in this article. But the editor refused to publish it.

In a word, this film is propaganda.

The most glaring omission is that nowhere are any reasons given for the occupation of Parihaka by government troops.

Nor is it stated that there were no casualties at all.

Are we to assume that the government action was merely spite?

Those Maoris concerned seem to have very long memories about alleged injustices by Europeans.

They appear to have remarkably selective memories and ignore the many atrocities committed by Maoris against their own people.

Maata quoted a prophesy of the Maori king which “foresaw” the building of Parihaka and symbolism of the white feathers.

It would be appropriate to mention something of the record of the first of them, Potatau or Te Whero Whero.

Te Wherowhero,
installed as the first Maori King
Potatau I, in 1858.

Thus, as recorded by E.J. Wakefield:

“Those who knew Te Whero Whero Potatau will recall the peculiar dignity of his manner, and certainly no one would have supposed that the tall graceful looking man in the full dress of an English gentleman, who conversed with quite ease with those whom he met in the drawing rooms of Government House at Auckland, was the same person as the savage who sat naked on the ground at Pukerangiora smashing the skulls of hundreds of defenceless prisoners, until he was almost smothered with blood and brains”. 

As W.T.L. Travers said in the 1872 book he wrote with Rev. J.W. Stack:

“I do not quote this bloodcurdling passage for sensationalism, but as an illustration of the deceptive and unconscionable ease with which tribal mentality can change to exploit differing circumstances.

We could do well in 2012 to remember this 1872 observation by Travers.

In 1840 much of Taranaki was entirely deserted, following the conquest by Waikato tribes, in which one-third of the people were killed, one third were carried off as slaves, and one-third fled to the south.

The remnant of fifty or so who remained lived in constant fear of attack, ready to swim to off-shore rocks at the least sign of danger.

After British sovereignty was established, the survivors in the south judged it safe to return.

But this led to disputes with the conquerors about who had the right to sell land to the would-be settlers.

This situation was highly confusing to the British.

And it was one frequently exploited by the tribes — land was sold three or more times over, as the following letter shows.

The History of Taranaki, published in 1878 by B. Wells, provided extracts from a letter the warrior chief Ihaia Kirikumara wrote in conjunction with his friend Tamati Tiraura to the settlers in New Plymouth:

Chief Ihaia Te Kirikumara


Formerly we, the Maoris, lived alone in New Zealand.

We did wrong one to another. We ate one another. We exterminated one another.

Some had deserted the land. Some were enslaved.

The remnant that were spared went to seek other lands.

Now this was the arrangement of this Ngatiawa land.

Mokau was the boundary on the north, Ngamotu on the south.

Beyond was Taranaki and Ngatiruanui.

All was quiet, deserted.

The land, the sea, the streams, the lakes, the forests, the rocks, were deserted.

The food, the property, the work was deserted.

The dead and sick were deserted.

The landmarks were deserted.

Then came the Pakeha hither by sea from other dwellings.

They came to this land, and the Maori allowed them.

They came by chance to this place.

They came to a place whose inhabitants had left it.

There were few men here.

The men were a remnant, a handful returned from slavery.”

And the Pakeha asked, “Where are the men of this place?”

And they answered, “They have been driven away by war. We few have come back from another land.”

And the Pakeha said, “Are you willing to sell us this land?”

And they replied, “We are willing to sell it that it may not be barren.

Presently our enemies will come, and our places will be taken from us again.”

So payment was made.

It was not said, “Let the place be taken”, although the men were few.

The Pakeha did not say, “Let it be taken”, but the land was quietly paid for.

Now the Pakeha thoroughly occupied the purchases made with their money.

And the Maoris living in the land of bondage, and those who had fled, heard that the land had been occupied.

And they said, “Ah! Ah! The land has revived. Let us return to the land.”

So they returned.

Their return was in a friendly manner.

Their thought of the Pakeha was, “Let us dwell together. Let us work together.”

The Maoris began to dispute with the Pakeha.

When the Governor saw this, he removed the Pakeha to one spot to dwell.

Afterwards, the Pakeha made a second payment for the land.

And afterwards a third.

And then I said, “Ah! Ah! Very great indeed is the goodness of the Pakeha. He has not said that the payment ceases at the first time.”

My friends the Pakeha,

Wholly through you this land and the men of this land have become independent.

Do not say that I have seen this your goodness to day for the first time.

I knew it formerly, at the coming here of Governor Grey.

I was urgent that the land might be surrendered and paid for by him, that we might live here together.

We, the Maori and the Pakeha.

And my urgency did not end there but through the days of Governor Grey…”

This letter was written by the warrior chief Ihaia Kirikumara and his friend Tamati Tiraura at Waitara on 15 July 1860, and records that the land there was paid for three times over.

I cannot give here a full account of early Taranaki history.

But the foregoing should be sufficient to indicate that where the film Tatarakihi claims that Maori ancestral lands were seized by the Crown, that settlers ploughed the stolen land and broke the fences, to the tune of three million acres, it is simply not telling the truth.

It is true that after the suppression of the initial rebellion, the government did confiscate rebel land.

They had been warned of this, and in any case would have understood such action, as it was in accord with long-standing Maori custom.

The rebels were not “tricked and cheated”, as the film says.

Much of the confiscated land was returned subsequently.

It was on such land that Te W’iti o Rongomai and Tohu Kakahi founded Parihaka village in 1867, the year after the end of the second rebellion in Taranaki  (1863-1866) — clearly a provocative act.

They were followers of Te Ua Haumene’s Pai Marire (Hau Hau) religion, and in 1864 both played a part in the Hau Hau attack on Sentry Hill in northern Taranaki.

Only later did they became pacifists.

In December 1865, Te Ua consecrated them to carry on his religious work, though they did not observe the bloody Hau Hau practices at Parihaka.

The film makes much of Te W’iti’s three feathers.

They look remarkably like the British Prince of Wales’ feathers, which date back to Edward the Black Prince in the 14th century.

In any case, as I have noted earlier, white feathers were a symbol of peace of the Morioris of the Chatham Islands, who were enslaved, murdered and eaten by invading tribes from Taranaki, only 101 of an initial population of about 1600 remaining a few years later.

With reference to the prisoners taken south from Parihaka:

In visiting Ripapa Island, where they were held en route to Dunedin, Maaka says in the film that she feels the squalor and chains in its catacomb-like tunnels — failing to mention that it was built as a fort for harbour defence, and the tunnels were designed for that purpose.

My own father was ‘in camp’ there early in WWI, as a member of No 2 Company, Garrison Artillery, before he went to France.

While the prisoners’ conditions were harsh, for the film to show a picture of Dunedin under snow, which happens for only a few days each year, is gross exaggeration of the situation.

That 21 of 153 prisoners died there is regrettable, but perhaps not excessive in 19th century conditions anywhere.

Again, the film states that the last of the prisoners returned to Parihaka in 1898, which was after 17 years, not 19 as the film says.

It fails to say that most were released after 16 months.

But in a film which is a piece of propaganda, such lack of balance is to be expected.

We are told:

“The struggle continues.  In the absence of justice there can be no peace.”

In conflict with that, an adjacent wall panel in the theatrette displays the three feathers and says “Where to from here? Goodwill to all humanity.”

Given the huge sums in Waitangi settlements recently given to numerous Taranaki tribes, it may be asked just how much more ‘justice’ do they expect?

Where else in the world are such huge sums in reparations paid to defeated rebels?

Note: my latest figures say four tribes have received a total of $111.5 million — with four more to come.

Remember, this is after a settlement in 1926 and a ‘final settlement’ of claims by the Taranaki Maori Settlement Act in 1944!

A biased Parihaka story has been presented repeatedly for far too long as a blot on the record of colonial days in New Zealand.

This has been aggravated recently by the blatant lying of the supposedly authoritative, but racist, Waitangi Tribunal in its statement that

“the invasion and sacking of Parihaka must rank with the most heinous action of any government in any country in the last century”

linking it with an alleged “holocaust of Taranaki history”, this being dutifully repeated by Taranaki ‘academic’ Kerry Opai in a well-publicised Waitangi Day interview with Kim Hill.

This shows just how far privileged groups will lie in order to advance their own interests.

With the benefit of hindsight, we can see that some of the actions of the colonial government of the day were not well-judged.

But they were faced with many difficulties of Maori making, including the murder of defenceless settler families.

Today, the sort of propaganda of which this film is a small example, has grown into a massive cancer upon the integrity of our nation.

The consequent deterioration of race relations is deplorable.

In conclusion, I mention that I am no racist.

The film says members of the Ellison family assisted prisoners in Dunedin.

I knew many of them well.

Rangi (1901-2001) and his younger brother, Mutu,QSM, were my friends.

And I knew their wives and family members.

My grandfather gave blankets to Maori families who needed them in the 1918 influenza epidemic.

And I have accepted his views in my work with people of many races, some of which continues to this day.

Obama has just won the US election! Great!

I wouldn’t say Obama’s re-election was so great. But we’re a broad church here. 🙂

Bruce Moon, Kelvin Day, Nelson Provincial Museum, New Plymouth, Peter Millward, Puke Ariki Museum, Taranaki Wars Exhibition, Treatygate

Museums refuse to correct historical errors

Nelson Provincial Museum CEO Peter Millward.

One of my dedicated Treaty informants is retired Canterbury University Professorial Board member Bruce Moon.

Bruce is a stickler for getting to the heart of a matter — any matter.

A life of enquiry

In his successful life he has been:

  • a rocket scientist in the UK and Australia
  • a Fellow of the UK Institute of Physics
  • Director of the Canterbury University Computer Centre
  • the first person to install a computer in a New Zealand university
  • National President of the NZ Computer Society
  • an Honorary Fellow of the New Zealand Institute of Information Technology Professionals.
  • an officer in the Naval Reserve.

What Bruce is not is tolerant of the falsification of New Zealand history — in which he has engaged in deep study since retiring.

So when he saw the vast number of historical errors in the Taranaki Wars Exhibition at the Nelson Provincial Museum, he wrote to the instigators to put them straight.

Curators dismissive
of facts

As you’ll see — and as we now expect of arrogant, ignorant New Zealand academics — they didn’t want to know.

I suggest you read the whole exchange.

It ranges across many subjects, including:

  • the origins of the fraudulent ‘Official Treaty of Waitangi in English’.
  • Hobson’s final English draft, discovered in 1989, and covered up by the state
  • the massive exaggerations of Parihaka
  • what the chiefs really meant by taonga
  • Ngapuhi’s false claim that they didn’t cede sovereignty

…and much more.

You will observe how painstakingly Bruce puts his case, and how dismissively he is treated by New Plymouth’s Puke Ariki Museum curator Kelvin Day and Nelson Provincial Museum CEO Peter Millward.

(And later brushed off by the Mayor of Tasman, Richard Kempthorne and the Mayor of Nelson, Aldo Miccio.)

I’ve done my usual trick of spacing out the text and adding subheads to help you along.



Bruce Moon

To: Kelvin Day [Puke Ariki Museum, New Plymouth]
Cc: Peter Millward [Nelson Museum]

Sent: Thursday 1 November 2012, 5:20 pm
Taranaki exhibition

Dear Kelvin,

Peter Millward of the Nelson Museum has given me your name as the constructor of the exhibition on the Taranaki tribal rebellions, which is currently on display in Nelson.

It is about this that I write.

Exhibition contains
many errors

The exhibition is well-presented and impressive.

Nevertheless it contains a considerable number of errors of omission and commission.

Treaty for signatures
5 Maori copies and 0 English
(not 7 Maori and 1 English)

First, and perhaps most seriously, it claims that seven Maori language copies [of the Treaty of Waitangi] and one English copy were circulated for signing.

This is not true.

As well as the original treaty, written on dogskin and signed at Waitangi, five copies of it (in Maori, of course) were prepared and circulated for signature.

These documents had adequate space for signatures, as the facsimile copy of one on display in your exhibition demonstrates.

Not for signatures
200 printed copies
of Maori Tiriti

On 17th February [1840 — JA], mission printer, Colenso, fulfilled a paid government order for 200 printed copies of it.

(Again in Maori.)

Each was printed on a single sheet of paper with normal margins, as these documents were simply intended to be distributed for information, and not to be signed.

Freeman’s false Treaties
7 ‘Royal Style’
English versions

At about the same time, Hobson was away at Hokianga and elsewhere getting more signatures.

While he was away, his pompous secretary, Freeman, decided that the simple wording of Hobson’s final draft in English was inappropriate for the eyes of officialdom overseas.

Accordingly, unauthorised, he composed seven documents in a flowery style of English, with variant wording, some of it substantial, for his purpose.

Hobson paralysed
by stroke

Hobson’s plans were thrown into disarray on 6th March when he had a severe stroke at Thames.

This paralysed his right side, and he returned to the Bay of Islands in this condition.

Freeman induced Hobson
to sign left-handed

Freeman induced Hobson to initial two of his versions, and sign one.

This Hobson did extremely shakily, with his left hand.

His signature was so shaky that the signed copy was quite unsuitable for sending overseas.

Capt. Symonds delayed
getting to Waikato Heads
with genuine Tiriti

Meanwhile, Captain Symonds [Deputy Surveyor-General — JA] set off for Waikato Heads with a genuine copy of the Treaty.

He intended this copy for signature at the mission there and elsewhere.

But he was delayed at Manukau.

Maunsell wanted
to use big meeting
to get signatures

At the mission, a great body of Maoris was assembling.

The head of mission, Rev. Robert Maunsell, saw this as a good opportunity to get signatures.

But he had a problem, as Symonds had not arrived in time.

Maunsell had a printed
copy of Te Tiriti, and

Freeman’s false Treaty

However, he had recently received a consignment of printed documents from Colenso for use at the mission.

Colenso had included one copy of the treaty, which he had printed.

Also — and probably at the same time, though this is not certain, as Maunsell’s diaries of the time were destroyed in two subsequent fires at the mission — he received the rejected copy of Freeman’s false treaty in English.

Maunsell used printed
Tiriti for first 5 signatures,
then false Treaty for the rest

Maunsell decided to improvise and use the printed copy at hand for signatures.

But many chiefs wanted to sign, and there was only room on the sheet for five to do so, as this document, which remains in existence, shows clearly.

(This was the seventh copy of the Treaty — in Maori — by your count.)

He had to improvise further, so decided to use Freeman’s false document for the purpose, as at least it showed some appearance of being official.

And several dozen chiefs signed it.

Symonds arrived too late,
so valid Tiriti sent to Kawhia

When Symonds did finally arrive, it was clearly impractical to stage the signing process again.

So the valid treaty was sent south to Rev. John Whiteley at Kawhia, where he obtained nine more signatures.

(Nearly 20 years later [later corrected to 30 years later — JA] Whiteley was murdered by a Ngati Maniopoto gang, of which more later.)

Symonds saw no need
to mention
mixup in report

In due course, Symonds returned to base with all the signed documents, but did not bother to mention in his report the exceptional, indeed unique, use of one in English.

Had there been any significance in this beyond a practical exigency, he would surely have said so.

False document now elevated
to ‘official English Treaty’

It is this false document of Freeman’s which has now been elevated by statute to be ‘The Treaty of Waitangi in English’.

And for a time it was given precedence over the valid Treaty in Maori.

Well, one may legislate that black is white. But that does not make it so.

Of course, with substantial differences between the wording of the real Treaty and Freeman’s bogus one, there has been a fruitful ground for false arguments by those who stand to profit by them.

Children indoctrinated
with false Treaty —
with fake signature!

Moreover, in the Treaty-2-U caravan which toured New Zealand at considerable expense to taxpayers — and was used to indoctrinate children with a highly misleading story — what is purported to be a facsimile of the ‘signed treaty in English’ (that is, Freeman’s paper signed at Waikato Heads) is actually a fake — with Hobson’s very weak signature replaced by one in a firm hand, such as he used at Waitangi.

It is to lengths such as this that officialdom is willing to go to deceive the people of New Zealand.

It is no wonder that you have been misled!

False reasoning used
to claim Maori did not cede

So, considering the wording of the Treaty, you say the ‘English’ version stated that the chiefs would cede sovereignty, but the Maori one does not.

And you assert, as many do, that kawanatanga, used in the Maori, means ‘merely’ ‘governorship’.

In this, you are using false methodology, which is all too common — and a trap into which Anne Salmond, for another, has also fallen — confusing derivation with translation.

I cannot develop this point at length here, merely noting as an example that English ‘demand’ is derived from French demand, but the latter translates as ‘ask’.

Hobson’s mission was
to obtain sovereignty

Now, in the first place, it is inconceivable that Hobson would have used any word in the Treaty to express ‘sovereignty’ had he, or anybody, had any doubts about it — since the whole point of his mission was to get the free and willing consent of the chiefs to its cession.

Had he not got this, he would have sailed away, and what would have been the ultimate fate of this country, nobody knows.

Chiefs understood they
would submit to Queen
and Governor

Moreover, the chiefs knew that, with the treaty signed, they would become subordinate to the Queen and Governor.

One has only got to look at the statements on 5th February of chiefs who expressed opposition, Te Kemara, Rewa and Kawiti, to learn that they had no doubts about this.

Chiefs’ submission
confirmed in 1860

This is reinforced in the declaration of loyalty to the Queen by many chiefs in 1860, on display in your exhibition, in which, as one example, Wi Katene says:

“All my people are resolved … to submit to the Queen and to Governor Browne”.

Ngata echoed this
in 1922

Again, as outstanding Maori scholar Sir Apirana Ngata said in the 1920s:

“the chiefs placed in the hands of the Queen of England, the sovereignty and authority to make laws”.

Ngapuhi who deny
cession lack integrity

People who deny this, such as Pita Tipene, Ngapuhi facilitator before the Waitangi Tribunal, whose views have received ‘Dompost’ headlines, are simply expressing a falsehood.

And it is difficult to believe that their motives are anything but gain for what Elizabeth Rata calls the “Maori retribalisation elite” at the expense of taxpayers.

You fall into the trap of using false methodology yet again, as did Hugh Kawharu in his “official translation of the treaty”, when you claim that the asserted modern meaning of taonga is the same as what it was in 1840.

Here again, one must have serious doubts about the integrity of his motives.

Dishonest to use modern
meaning of taonga

Today, maybe, taonga may mean ‘all Maori treasures, material and non-material’.

But this was not so in 1840.

And it is false, not to say dishonest, to assert that this meaning was applicable in 1840.

‘Property procured by spear’
— Chief Hongi Hika

When, in 1822, Hongi Hika visited Cambridge, England, where researchers were compiling a Maori dictionary, he said that taonga meant ‘property procured by the spear’. 

In other words, property was what was obtained by force.

(And thus one could be deprived of it by force, in turn, by a stronger adversary.)

Ngapuhi petition
admitted they had hardly
any possessions

When 13 Ngapuhi chiefs appealed to King William in November 1831 for his protection, they said:

“We are people without possessions. We have nothing but timber, flax, pork and potatoes. … we see property of the Europeans.”

Both ‘possessions’ and ‘property’ are rendered as taonga in the Maori version — and, be it noted, for pork and potatoes they had to thank the British.

In William Williams’ 1844 dictionary, taonga’ is rendered simply as ‘property’ and only in later editions was ‘treasure’ added.

Exhibition supports
exaggerated claims

Latter-day claims to an enormous range of things — from the electromagnetic spectrum, undiscovered in 1840, to the current claim for natural water — are therefore entirely spurious.

And one suspects strongly that they are made yet again for material gain at the expense of ordinary New Zealanders.

Sadly, your exhibition only serves to reinforce such false claims.

Busby, not Ngapuhi,
drew up Declaration
of Independence

With respect to the ‘Declaration of Independence’, you say that 5 years before the Treaty of Waitangi was signed, 34 rangitiras from Ngapuhi “had a document drawn up”.

This is untrue.

In fact, this document was a brainchild of the well-intentioned but rather foolish Busby, who induced most of these chiefs to sign, as Michael King said (on page 154 of his ‘Penguin History’) “in exchange for a … cauldron of porridge”.

As he says, too:

“This [was a] document into which Maori had had no input”.

In fact, this ‘declaration’ soon collapsed, Paul Moon describing it in 2006 as:

“little more that a pebble”.

Ngapuhi exaggerate
Declaration’s importance

Your statement therefore invests this document with a quite spurious importance.

(One which latter-day Ngapuhi have been keen to exploit for their material benefit, which a more accurate description would have endeavoured to dispel.)

Taranaki Maori killed
Harriet’s crew

With respect to the wreck of the Harriet on the Taranaki coast, you are right that the captain’s wife and children were taken as hostages by the local tribe.

(And subsequently and rather miraculously, rescued from them.)

But you fail to mention that most of the crew had been killed.

(And, I suspect, eaten.)

Such partial truth is often more misleading than an outright lie.

British punished tribe
for crew’s murder

This was in pre-Treaty days, when Maori practice applied, and plunder of the stricken ship was in accordance with this.

But it can hardly be expected that the British would accept this, and punitive measures were undertaken.

It was a rather sorry affair all round.

Maori world view
was brutally violent

You present a panel giving what you say is the “Maori World View”.

And this may, to a degree, be true.

But you fail to mention that this “world view” was accompanied by widespread cannibalism, infanticide — especially of female infants — slavery, and summary death at the hands of a chief of anybody whom he perceived to have broken a tapu or infringed his mana in some way.

Sick left outside
all night

Also, you give some account of Maori “medicine” as practised by tohungas, but fail to mention that the treatment of the sick and women in childbirth was to place them out of doors at the mercy of the elements by night — which often accelerated death, or increased its likelihood.

The Suppression of Tohungas Bill, which was strongly supported by educated Maoris, notably Sir Peter Buck, gets very lukewarm support in your hands.

Dr Giselle Burns
told to change findings
to be paid

In a display of notable persons, presumably with some Maori blood, you include Dr Giselle Burns.

But you fail to say that when she presented the result of her work to the authorities, she was told that unless she changed this to conform with what was the official view of what our history was to be, she would not be paid for it.

So was Dr John Robinson

The same thing happened to Dr John Robinson, as he has revealed quite recently.

These examples demonstrate with great clarity the extent to which officialdom is prepared to go to conceal the truth of our history, and replace it with a perverted view to accord with its apparent policy.

One can only speculate about what the motives are for this behaviour.

But it is abundantly clear that it is a treacherous betrayal of the interests of ordinary citizens.

Teira had right
to sell Waitara land

Where land disputes in Taranaki are concerned, as you indicate, a serious one was that between between Teira and Kingi about the sale of land at Waitara, which belonged to Teira, over which you assert that Kingi “had a customary right to say ‘no'”.

This cannot be so, as by custom, the chief who possessed the land had the right to sell it.

So any claimed right of Kingi was invalid.

There was a little more to it than that.

Teira was punishing Kingi
for seduction of Teira’s elder’s
wife by Kingi’s friend

As John Robinson says in his recent book ‘When Two Cultures Meet’,

“[i]n the simplest of terms, Teira was insisting on a sale in order to punish Kingi for the seduction of the wife of Ihaia by Rimene.

A Maori feud over a woman had set the scene for war.”

I recommend this book to you, as it is most informative.

British tried
to deal fairly with dodgy
Taranaki tribes

Just who were the legitimate tribal owners of land in Taranaki had become very confused, owing to the major movements of tribes consequent upon warfare between them.

Try as they might, it was very difficult for the British to know with whom to negotiate to buy land.

And in some instances, payment was made up to four times over to various Maori claimants.

You do not mention this.

It is erroneous to say, as you do, that “dodgy land deals” by the British caused the rebellion.

Exhibition ignores
Maori massacres
of women and children

You refer to “Government burning, killing and looting”.

But why don’t your refer to burning, killing and looting by tribal rebels, often of defenceless women and children?

This was most extensive, and many settlers had to retreat to New Plymouth to save their own lives.

Rebels fought to seize land,
government to regain it

There was not “land dispossession by force of arms” by government forces as you say.

This was just what the rebels did — though in due course government troops and loyal Maoris were obliged to use force to regain such lands.

Rebels were warned
rebellion would cost
them land

Moreover, subsequent confiscation of rebel land was legitimate, and the rebels had been warned that it would occur.

It was, in any case, in accordance with Maori custom.

Government returned
much of the land,
Maori did not claw it back

A substantial portion of this confiscated land was returned to the tribes soon afterwards; rather than that “Maori clawed back some of the land seized” in 1868-9 as you claim.

I suggest that you read Charles Heaphy’s first-hand account reported in his ‘Further Papers Relative to the Native Insurrection — Statistical Notes Relating to the Maoris and Their Territory’, attached to the Journals of the House of Representatives — 1861 session.

Earlier papers which it would be worth your time to read are the reports in the Taranaki Herald for January 16, 1858, page 2 and January 30, 1858, page 2.

Ngati Maniopoto murdered
church man devoted to Maori,
and Gascoygne family

As mentioned above, a Ngati Maniopoto gang murdered the Rev. John Whiteley, who had devoted thirty years to the welfare of Maoris.

This was at Whitecliffs in northern Taranaki in January 1860 [later corrected to February 13, 1869 — JA], when they also murdered Bamber Gascoygne and his wife and children, and two unarmed men who had been walking on the beach.

These murderers were never brought to justice.

That you fail to mention this is a significant omission.

Parihaka built illegally
on Crown land

With respect to Parihaka, this was built on land which the government had confiscated, and Te W’iti and his cohorts had no right to be there.

(I use the approved Taranaki spelling of his name.)

Te W’iti’s white feather symbol
stolen from pacifist Moriori
massacred by Taranaki Maori

Somewhat surprisingly, I did not see any mention by you of Te W’iti’s use of the white feather as a symbol of the pacifism which he avowed.

In fact, the white feather was a symbol stolen from the Chatham Island Morioris, who were genuine pacifists and suffered in consequence when Taranaki tribes Ngati Tama and Ngati Mutunga invaded their peaceful islands.

Few Morioris survived their brutal enslavement, and most were killed and eaten.

Even in Te W’iti’s day, armed Maori gangs were roaming around Taranaki.

Parihaka occupied
only after Te W’iti
evaded premier

You do not mention that Sir John Hall, Premier at the time, made repeated attempts to negotiate with Te W’iti, but found him to be totally evasive, and it was as a last resort that Parihaka was occupied.

(See Jean Garner’s book, ‘By His Own Merits’, a biography of Sir John.)

Parihaka death toll:

It is true that cannon were placed on heights near Parihaka to intimidate the residents.

But none were fired. The occupation took place without a single casualty.

Does your account stress this?

Only injury
to child’s foot

It is said that children came out with white feathers to meet the approaching troops.

But they were not harmed, and the only injury occurred when a trooper’s horse trod accidentally on a child’s foot.

Do you mention this?

Blame parents and
elders who put children
in harm’s way

If the children were indeed traumatised by the turn of events, surely the blame for this should be placed squarely on their parents and elders who placed them in this position.

(The situation of the Tuhoe children allegedly traumatised by police actions in the Ureweras is strangely reminiscent of all this. And again the blame should be properly placed on those Tuhoe who were wandering around with illegally possessed firearms.)

Were Parihaka women
raped, or did they go with
the troopers voluntarily?

Whether Parihaka women were actually raped will never be established for certain.

But that many were rejected by their husbands when they returned from captivity suggests, to me at least, that they were only too ready to accept troopers’ advances.

Biased Parihaka film
being used to brainwash

I hope to see the film ‘Tatarakihi’ here on Monday next, but fear that it will present a totally one-sided account of an action in which the brutal British were entirely in the wrong, and the Maoris pure and innocent.

I hope that I will find that I am wrong in this presumption.

But if not, it is a scandal of treacherous proportions that modern children are being induced to accept a biased account of this event as if it were yesterday, and not more than 130 years ago.

UPDATE: Bruce found the film to be blatant propaganda, as he had feared. His review forms the next post (above) — JA.

Government had to grapple
with conflicting Maori
claims and brutality

Nobody should claim that all government actions were entirely well-judged.

But they were faced with a multitude of conflicting Maori claims, and the readiness of some Maoris to resort to arms with what was frequently brutal killing of their own people and white settlers.

Waitangi Tribunal
massively distorts Parihaka
history for Maori gain

That the Waitangi Tribunal has made the wild allegation that “the invasion and sacking of Parihaka must rank with the most heinous action of any government in any country in the last century”, linking it with an alleged “holocaust of Taranaki history” shows just how far privileged groups will lie in order to advance their own interests.

Death toll in all rebel
wars less than 3000

In fact the total casualties in all armed rebellions from 1845 to 1880 amounted to no more that 800 government forces, loyal Maoris and civilians, and about 2000 rebels (James Cowan’s figures).

The higher rebel losses may be accounted for by the better training and drill in the use of firearms by the government troops.

Death toll in inter-tribal
musket wars over 30,000

This may be contrasted with John Robinson’s recent careful estimate that 32,000 Maoris were slaughtered by other Maoris in 1807-1838.

As an example, in 1822, when Hongi Hika assaulted two large pas in what are now Auckland suburbs:

“[n]early all were slaughtered or taken, and Hongi left naught in their villages but bones, with such flesh on them ‘as even his dogs had not required'”.

The slaughter was even greater at the Mataki-taki pa of Waikato.

(Refer to The Long White Cloud by William Pember Reeves, page 113.)

So, e hoa, I do hope you will do a little more research and endeavour to amend your presentation to make it more accurate and well-balanced than the current version.

With my compliments,

Bruce Moon



From: Kelvin Day
To: Bruce Moon
Cc: Peter Millward
Sent: Thursday 2 November 2012, 5:12 pm
Subject: RE: Taranaki Wars Exhibition

Hi Bruce

Thank you for your very thorough email.

One of the goals of the exhibition was to provoke debate, and your email does that.

A number of people contributed content to the exhibition, as it was important that many views were presented.

We are unable to review the actual display panels while they are on display at Nelson Museum, and at this stage the exhibition is not touring to any other venue.

Again thanks for your email.





From: Bruce Moon
To: Kelvin Day
Cc: Peter Millward
Sent: Saturday 3 November 2012, 12:15 pm
Subject: Taranaki exhibition

Dear Kelvin,

I truly appreciate your courteous reply to my email on Thursday.

Goal of exhibition
should not be
to provoke debate

You say that one goal of the exhibition was to provoke debate.

However, I do question whether this is appropriate.

Politicians may debate for ever and never agree.

Duty of historians
to tell truth

There is only one true history, albeit we may debate the significance of some of it, and we are indeed subjected to many versions of what it is asserted to be.

While the historical record is usually incomplete to some degree, it is surely a primary duty of  historians to put together the known pieces in an endeavour to get a coherent account.

True historians use
scientific method

They may discuss what is known, identify what is not and possible ways to find it, and ways to achieve consensus.

But ‘debate’ is seldom the right word for this process, suggesting as it does an inherent antagonism.

It is more akin to scientific method, of which I have some knowledge.

Scientific method used
to reconstruct Waikato
Heads signing

This is what colleagues and I have done to reconstruct the chain of events in the treaty signing process at Waikato Heads.

And though one or two pieces of the record are missing, as I pointed out, we assert that there can be no serious doubt that our account is the only tenable one.

Littlewood document is
Hobson’s final English draft
beyond reasonable doubt

We see a stark contrast in the treatment of Hobson’s final draft of the Treaty in English, composed on 4th February 1840 and rediscovered by Beryl Needham in March 1989.

The analysis of a colleague of mine establishes that the document found by her is, beyond reasonable doubt, this vital link in the genesis of the treaty.

Discovery of final draft
means ‘official’ English
Treaty is bogus

Its discovery meant that official policy at the time was based on a profoundly erroneous version of events, and demonstrated that the establishment by legislation of Freeman’s bogus treaty (that is, one of them) as ‘The Treaty of Waitangi in English’ was fundamentally wrong.

in denial

Rather than accept this development and correct official policy in its light, the response of officialdom (particularly in the person of the then Minister of Internal Affairs, Graham Lee) was, and continues to be, to deny violently the identity of this document, obscure it from public view and discredit those who assert its true worth.

No apology for
Loveridge’s flawed

Indeed, a professional historian, Donald Loveridge, was hired by the government at the time as part of this process.

His report was so blatantly flawed that it was later withdrawn, but there was no apology.

Orange cannot back up
claim that Littlewood
document a back translation

Claudia Orange, well-rewarded by officialdom for her efforts, speculated — with no substantiation — that the final draft was probably a very early back-translation of the Treaty itself.

She says the writer
must have got
the date wrong!

And it was asserted that, though its date was precisely what it should have been (that is, 4th February), this must have been a mistake by the supposed back-translator of what should have been the 6th.

Historical falsification
consistent with refusal to pay
honest researchers

It seems incredible, does it not, that officialdom, with all its powers should do all it can to falsify the history of this momentous period in the foundation of New Zealand?

Yet it is entirely consistent with the official demand that Giselle Byrnes and John Robinson falsify the results of their work if they wanted to be paid for it.

How can we trust
those who profit from
official line?

Debate between those who adhere to the official view (many of whom stand to gain materially by it) and those few private citizens who believe that the truth must be paramount, is not, I suggest, the most appropriate way to seek remedial action.

*        *        *        *

Again, you say that it was important to present a variety of views.

Accuracy, not variety,
is what counts!

I do not think that this is so, particularly if they were those partisan views of members of groups with vested interests, who stand to benefit materially by the acceptance of what they say.

Deep specialist study
should be acknowledged

It would be better to acknowledge the value of contributions from those who had studied specialist topics in greater depth than most.

An example would be in your panel which discussed pronunciation of the Maori language in Taranaki, from which I certainly learned more than I had known previously.

Perhaps that is what you meant?

*        *        *        *

Admission of error

Finally, since I am human, I am not immune from making mistakes!

I point out now one which I have discovered since Thursday, when I should have checked my sources instead of relying on memory.

The massacre of Rev. Whiteley and others at Whitecliffs took place on 13th February 1869, and not in 1860 as I said.

So when I said this was nearly 20 years after Waitangi, it should say 30.

*        *       *        *

If I can assist you further in any way, please let me know.

Yours sincerely,

Bruce Moon



From: Bruce Moon
To: Peter Millward
Sent: Monday 19 November 2012, 11:14 a.m.
Subject: Taranaki exhibition

Dear Peter Millward,

It is now a fortnight since I sent you, in some detail, a description of the flaws in the current Taranaki exhibition.

I should be pleased to receive your response.

I do hope that you will agree with me that some remedial action is needed urgently, particularly as the exhibition has more than three months to run.

I am happy to assist you in doing this and I should be pleased if you would contact me so that it can be arranged.

With my compliments,

Bruce Moon



From: Peter Millward
To: Bruce Moon
Sent: Monday 19 November 2012, 12:09 pm
Subject: RE: Taranaki exhibition

Your detailed analysis is very interesting, but as I indicated early on the exhibition is not ours to amend in any way at all.

If you had discovered erroneous material in what we had researched from our own archives with regard to the Nelson stories, that would be a different story.

I gave you Kelvin Day’s address, and I am aware you have been in contact with him, which is the appropriate thing to do.

Many thanks,

Peter Millward



From: Bruce Moon
To: Kelvin Day
Monday 19 November 2012, 12:19 pm

Subject: Taranaki exhibition

Dear Kelvin,

It is now a fortnight since I sent you, in some detail, a description of the flaws in the current Taranaki exhibition.

While you did reply to me earlier, you did not say what remedial action you were planning to take.

This is needed urgently, as the exhibition has more than three months to run in Nelson.

Peter Millward has told me that he is unable to take any action without your authority, as the exhibition comes from New Plymouth.

I am happy to assist you in doing this, and I should be pleased if you would contact me so that it can be arranged.

With my compliments,

Bruce Moon



From: Kelvin Day
To: Bruce Moon
Cc: Peter Millward
Sent: Monday 19 November 2012, 2:26 pm
Subject: RE: Taranaki exhibition

Hi Bruce

Thanks for your email.

As I indicated in a previous email to you, we are unable to review/replace the actual display panels while they are on display at Nelson Museum, and at this stage the exhibition is not touring to any other venue.

As an aside I would just like to point that we stand by the exhibition and its interpretation of events.

I also acknowledge that history can be interpreted in many ways.

I thank you for your interest in the exhibition.

Best wishes




From: Bruce Moon
To: Kelvin Day
Sent: Monday 19 November 2012, 5:10 pm
Subject: RE: Taranaki exhibition


So, Nelson can’t do anything and neither can you!

I shall explore other avenues.

It may be that history can be interpreted in many ways.

But gross distortions of the facts, of which there have been far too many recently, are not “interpretations”.

There are too many in your exhibition.

I do not claim that they are deliberate on your part.

Nevertheless, I should have thought that your professional integrity would have required you to take appropriate remedial action.

My compliments,

Bruce M



From: Bruce Moon
To: Kelvin Day
Cc: Peter Millward
Sent: Thursday 22 November 2012, 2:36 pm
Subject: Exhibition at Nelson

Dear Peter Millward and Kelvin Day,

We seemed to have reached some sort of impasse, with Kelvin Day saying he stands by the exhibition and its “interpretation” of events.

However, an exhibition such as this is not an appropriate place for “interpretations”, and most people viewing it will assume that it is factually correct.

Now, this is not the present case.

I have been at some pains to explain several places where the exhibition is factually incorrect, or omits significant facts, thus giving a misleading impression.

You have chosen to ignore this.

It is not good enough.

Please read again what I have said, question me about it if you wish, and, as I expect your professional integrity to require, arrange for the requisite changes to what is presented.

I look forward to your positive response.

My compliments,

Bruce Moon



From: Bruce Moon

To: MPs Nick Smith, Maryan Street, Damien O’Connor and Jonathan Young; Editors of The Nelson Mail, Nelson Weekly, and Taranaki Daily News; Mayor and Councillors of Nelson City Council, Tasman District Council and New Plymouth District Council; Puke Ariki Museum, New Plymouth; Tasman Bays Heritage Trust (controlling board of Nelson Museum); Ken Meredith, Nelson Residents Association; Mr David Round; Dr Elizabeth Rata; Dr Muriel Newman; and others.
Sent: 11 December 2012

You will be aware, I expect, that currently there is on display in the Nelson Museum, an exhibition constructed in the New Plymouth Museum by Kelvin Day, Manager of the Heritage Collections there.

Notwithstanding that Mr Day has written a book, Contested Ground — The Taranaki Wars 1860-1881 and so should be expected to be well-informed on this subject, the exhibition contains a number of serious errors of commission and omission, giving in all a most misleading impression of this period of Taranaki history.

It should not continue to be on display in Nelson in its present form, and I seek appropriate remedial action.

It may be that, in your case, direct action is not feasible.

But I do hope that, should this be so, you will take suitable steps to bring to the attention of those responsible the need for timely correction.

I attach an exchange of email messages between myself, Mr Day and Peter Millward, chief executive of the Nelson Museum.

You will see that Mr Millward declines to take any action on the grounds that it is not his to alter.

Mr Day, as well as inappropriate remarks about ‘debate’ and ‘interpretation’, likewise declines to take any action to correct his own work.

I should have thought that the professional integrity of both would not have allowed them to ignore the situation – Mr Millward might at least have approached Mr Day to explore avenues for correction.

Thus, others must intervene now to achieve the corrections necessary.

I have offered to help in any way I can to correct the erroneous material, and I will co-operate with those persons and organizations which seek remedial action.

I do hope that you are able to take positive steps towards this end.

I extend to you the compliments of the season, but hope it will not unduly delay your attention to this matter.

Yours sincerely,

Bruce Moon



Richard Kempthorne

To: Bruce Moon
Sent: 14 December 2012

Dear Bruce

Thank you for your letter in regard to the Taranaki Wars exhibition currently on display at the Nelson Provincial Museum.

You clearly have a strong interest and are very knowledgeable in the history of this country.

I hesitate however to step in to discussion of the correctness, or not, of the content of the current exhibition at the Museum.

The Museum management, and its governing body, the Tasman Bays Heritage Trust, are responsible for any displays, and you will need to continue your conversation with them.

I wish you the best for the festive season also.

Yours sincerely

Richard Kempthorne



Aldo Miccio

To: Bruce Moon
Sent: 19 December 2012

Dear Bruce


Thank you for your letter of 11 December outlining your concerns about the current Taranaki Wars exhibition at the Nelson Provincial Museum.

Nelson City Council has no jurisdiction over the nature and detail of exhibitions that run at the Nelson Provincial Museum; any operational decisions the Museum makes are not subject to approval or interference by Nelson City Council.

In addition to this. Council does not have an informed view about matters of historical accuracy relating to the Taranaki Wars.

I do appreciate your obvious interest and research in this significant part of our history.

Yours sincerely

Aldo Miccio
Mayor of Nelson



From: Kelvin Day
To: Bruce Moon
Sent: 20 December 2012

Dear Bruce


Thank you for your recent letter to the New Plymouth District Council and Puke Ariki regarding the exhibition Te Ahi Ka Roa, Te Ahi Katoro Taranaki War 1860-2012 Our Legacy – Our Challenge, which is currently on at Nelson Provincial Museum.

While I have been asked to respond to your letter on the Council’s behalf, I feel it necessary to point out that I am not the sole constructor of the Taranaki War exhibition as you suggest.

As with all our exhibitions, Taranaki War was the result of extensive collaboration between many people including university lecturers, historians, kaumatua and Puke Ariki staff — all experts in their fields.

This approach was particular important for this exhibition given the very complex nature of the subject matter and it allowed for a wide variety of views to be included.

Equally I was the editor as opposed to the author of the publication Contested Ground Te Whenua i Tohea The Taranaki Wars 1860-1881, which again sought to bring to the fore multiple voices on this important period in the history of Aotearoa New Zealand.

I did write the introduction.

This publication has gone on to win the Best Book in Higher Education category in CLL Educational Publishing Awards and the History category in the Massey University Nga Kupu Ora Maori Book Awards.

Why are we not surprised? 🙂

As indicated in my email of 19 November (which I note has been published on your blog) Puke Ariki stands by the exhibition.

We have given due consideration to your comments regarding the interpretation of particular historic events, but we do not feel it appropriate to make any amendments to the exhibition.

The content attempts to recognise that there is no such thing as one true history, and we believe it offers the best overall representation of the events of this period.

With an exhibition like Taranaki War our objectives are around increasing understanding, but also providing opportunities for informed community conversations.

For the six months that the exhibition was shown at Puke Ariki, it generated healthy debate on many issues.

The matters that you raise were never a concern.

As mentioned above, the final exhibition content was the result of years of research and analysis of both primary and secondary sources and considered input from a great many subject matter experts.

I acknowledge that you have already read broadly on the subject.

But one publication you do not mention which I would highly recommend is the Waitangi Tribunal Report The Taranaki Report: Kaupapa Tuatahi (1996).

We drew heavily on this report and the documents it references during our research and it offers some good insights into the Taranaki context.

Kelvin Day
Yours faithfully



From: Bruce Moon and Michael Lincolne

To: Richard Kempthorne (Mayor of Tasman)
Aldo Miccio (Mayor of Nelson)
Cc: Tasman Bays Heritage Trust; Nelson Residents’ Association; New Plymouth District Council; and others
Sent: 22 December 2012

Dear Mayor Richard and Mayor Aldo,

Thank you for your replies of 14th and 19th December respectively to Bruce’s letter of  11th.

It is understood that neither Council is directly responsible for any exhibition at the Provincial Museum.

But perhaps a word to those directly responsible that you have been reliably informed that there are severe inaccuracies in much of the material in the current Taranaki exhibition would be appropriate.

No cannibalism of Harriet
crew a flagrant lie

However, it has been drawn to our attention now that there is an even more flagrant example of false material in the exhibition.

On display near the entrance is a video showing an un-named couple, both apparently more white than brown, standing in front of what appears to be a Maori meeting house.

The woman speaks about the Harriet shipwreck of 1834 and starts by saying quite flatly that there was no cannibalism of the ship’s crew.

Now, whatever the source of this statement, it is a plain lie.

Captain’s diary spells it out

We refer to the contemporary (1834) diary of the ship’s captain, Jackie Guard and quote:

May 7

“… there were about two hundred coming towards, and all around us, armed with muskets, spears, clubs and tomahawks …  

… They told us with the greatest indifference, that they intended to kill us all.”

May 8

“We returned good for evil, by inviting the Chiefs into our tents, and making them presents.”

May 9

“they … appeared in greater numbers … and … said they would ‘eat our hearts!’ … They … kindly informed us that they should heat their ovens ready for the morning, when they intended to feast upon our carcasses.”

May 10

“At eight, a.m., … the natives rushed upon us and killed two of our men. …

… During the skirmish, Mrs Guard was twice knocked down by the savages, with a child at her breast, and but for her comb would have been instantly killed;

… she was, however, taken prisoner … with her two babies. 

We were now reduced from twenty-eight to fourteen; …

… those who were wounded … were soon despatched by the savages, and cut up into small portions convenient for cooking … 

… for they consider it a luxury to feast on their enemies.”

May 15

“We were now with new masters …

…They had brought amongst their plunder, a considerable quantity of pieces of flesh, part of our fellow men, which was eagerly devoured by them …

… they also brought some of the flesh of our unfortunate comrades for us to eat!”

Mrs Guard’s brother
eaten in front of her

Escaping to Cloudy Bay, Guard reports that twelve of his crew were killed and eaten, and he names some of them, including his wife’s brother, who was eaten in her presence.

Mrs Guard, in her testimony at the subsequent enquiry, described how, nearly exhausted by the loss of blood from her head wound, she was taken prisoner by natives who

voraciously licked [her] blood”


when it ceased to flow, attempted to make an incision in [her] throat for that purpose with part of an iron hoop”. 

Only a chief’s wife saved
her from being killed

Stripped naked with her children, including the one feeding at her breast, she was marched away and saved from imminent death only by the intervention of a chief’s wife.

She was given an old shirt as her sole item of clothing for the winter while her son was taken from her for two months.

This may be discounted as much as you please, using words like ‘eurocentric’, beloved of tribal apologists and grievance industry specialists when they have no contrary evidence to offer.

But it should be plain to all that cannibalism of crew members was on an extensive scale.

Tribesmen came to beach
to collect ransom

When Guard and others returned with a strong force, tribal members did come down to the beach, in the expectation that they were about to collect the ransom demanded for Guard’s wife and children.

But suggesting, as the woman speaker does, it was in a gesture of brotherly love, and in view of their earlier conduct, defies belief.

Ngatiruanui one of most
bloodthirsty tribes

In fact, the tribe concerned, the Ngatiruanui, who have collected recently a fat ‘Treaty settlement’, were among the most bloodthirsty Taranaki tribes, towards both settlers and other Maoris, as described in contemporary Taranaki newspaper accounts (to which you have been given references).

It may be said, as it was indeed at the time, that the British reaction was excessive.

Again, Maoris were not the only people who plundered shipwrecks.

Initial Maori excesses
caused conflict

However, Maori excesses in the first place and particularly their cannibalism on a large scale were most significant events in the escalation of the conflict.

The museum presentation of a fabricated story portraying the tribe as a virtually innocent victim of brutal British aggression gives a grossly distorted view of the whole affair.

Excepting the wife and children of Guard, few came out of it with credit.

Museum wrong to present
fabricated story as truth

It is quite wrong that it should be presented to the people of the Nelson district and our many summer visitors as an account with official approval and sanction as if it were the truth.

It would be far, far better if this event of nearly 180 years ago were to be quietly buried in the pages of the history books while all persons of white, Maori and mixed descent, such as the speaker, got on with their lives in the spirit so devoutly wished by Hobson when the Treaty was signed:

“Nga [He — JA] iwi tahi tatou” — “we are one people now”.

We request accordingly that the video to which we refer be withdrawn forthwith from presentation.

Yours sincerely,

Bruce Moon
Michael Lincolne



From: Bruce Moon
To: Kelvin Day
Cc: Mayors of Nelson, Tasman and New Plymouth; Jonathan Young MP; Tasman Bays Heritage Trust; Ken Meredith, Nelson Residents Association; and others
Sent: 8 January 2013

Dear Kelvin,

As advised earlier, I have received your extraordinary letter of 20th December 2012.

I reply.

It was Peter Millward who informed me that you were the constructor of the exhibition under discussion, and I addressed you as such.

If he was incorrect in doing so, you could inform him of the correct situation.

You say there was an “extensive collaboration between many people”, some of whom were university lecturers, historians, your staff, and old part-Maori men.

So be it.

“I’m an expert”
is not an argument

But you should know that an argument from authority is no argument at all.

Nobody is an “expert” merely on account of his or her occupation.

They must be judged solely by the quality of their work.

And I do this.

In this case, it is quite inadequate.

If you were the editor of the book to which you refer, then so be it.

I make no comment on its quality, as I have not seen it.

I confine my critique to such of your work as I am aware of.

There is no such country
as ‘Aotearoa New Zealand’

Please note and remember henceforth that the name of our country is ‘New Zealand’, not ‘Aotearoa New Zealand’, as you pretend.

You appear not to know that before the advent of Europeans, Maoris had no name for the country as a whole.

Some referred to the North Island as ‘Aotearoa’, though Barry Brailsford says it was used as a name for the South Island.

(See his Song of Waitaha, 2003, ISBN 0-14-301867-1, p.34, in which he names the North Island as ‘Whai Repo’.)

Maori called NZ ‘Nu Tirani’

Be that as it may, in the Treaty of Waitangi, the name of our country is given as ‘Nu Tirani’ — clearly a transliteration of ‘New Zealand’.

And to my certain knowledge, this continued to be the practice in the 1940s.

‘Aotearoa’ was, I understand, first used as the name of the whole country in a work of fiction, written around 1890 by a European author.

History is about truth,
not “interpretation”

You go on to say you have

“given due consideration to [my] comments regarding the interpretation of particular historic events”. 

Please understand once and for all:

I do not make “interpretations”. I am simply interested in the actual truth of New Zealand history.

And efforts like yours do us no service towards that end.

(You may recall Isaac Newton’s wise words: “hypotheses non fingo”.  There is something of an analogy here.)

In this context “interpretation” is a weasel word.

Nonsense to say
there’s no true history

Then we come to your most extraordinary statement of all:

“that there is no such thing as one true history”!

That, my friend, is pure nonsense, and it strongly suggests that you live in a fantasyland.

History is nothing unless it relates events which actually happened in earlier times.

Of course it is impossible that every shot fired in a battle, or what you had for breakfast last Thursday week, be recorded.

But those events which are recorded must be, as nearly as humanly possible, a true statement of events.

Of course the recording process is seldom perfect.

Historian must separate
truth from dross

And it is the task of the serious and capable historian to separate the truth from the dross, to the extent that it can be done — not to assert that every account of events is equally valid, or an “interpretation”.

If, as you say, the matters which I raise were “never a concern”, then sadly, it shows only the deplorable ignorance of events in their own province of Taranaki people today.

If, as you say again, the exhibition was

“the result of years of research and analysis of both primary and secondary sources and considered input from a great many subject matter experts”

then this only shows that:

  • these alleged ‘experts’ (or at least a great many of them) are not experts at all
  • the ‘analysis’ was flawed, and
  • the ‘experts’ simply fell down on the job.

Question: if Day and other so-called historians do not believe that there is only one true history, surely they would be more likely, not less, to present alternative views.

So why do they cling so religiously to the pro-Maori view?

No true historian would
trust Waitangi Tribunal

When you say in your final paragraph that you “drew heavily on” the Waitangi Tribunal 1996 report, that explains a lot.

The Waitangi Tribunal is perhaps the most corrupt body ever to have been given credence in this country.

Its acceptance of uncorroborated verbal evidence from old part-Maori men, without the normal cross-examination by bodies seeking the truth — on the spurious grounds that cross-examination would be an affront to their supposed ‘mana’ (whatever that may be) — is just the first of many of its practices which give grave doubts about the accuracy of its conclusions.

Tampering with historical documents, employment of competent lawyers to represent the grievers and inexperienced counsel to represent the people of New Zealand, with instructions in some cases not to press the Crown case too strongly, are reported examples of where the likelihood of valid outcomes was remote.

Perhaps the Tribunal per se was not responsible for some of these abuses. But at the least, it colluded with them.

Tribunal “one-eyed”
— Brian Priestley

It would be appropriate to reconsider your reliance on any tribunal report after learning what was discovered about its procedures by Brian Priestley.

He was a very experienced journalist, well capable of recognizing the difference between truth and falsehood in what he heard and saw. And he was appointed to the staff of the University of Canterbury to lecture on his subject.

This is what he said:

“Years ago I attended several sessions (of the Waitangi tribunal) …

It would be hard to imagine any public body less well-organised to get at the truth. 

There was no cross-examination. 

Witnesses were treated with sympathetic deference. 

The people putting the Crown’s side of things seemed equally anxious not to offend. 

In three months I don’t think I was asked a single intelligent awkward question. 

I should have been. 

I resigned because I am basically a puzzler after truth and not a one-eyed supporter of causes.”

Kelvin Day also one-eyed

Your acceptance of the unsubstantiated claim by the woman in the exhibition video that there was no cannibalism of the crew of the Harriet is a pretty clear demonstration that you are one of the latter.

Day ignored captain’s
evidence of cannibalism

You fly in the face of the evidence of Captain Lambert of HMS Alligator before the 1836 Select Committee of the House of Commons that Elizabeth Guard had been offered to eat the flesh of her brother who had been killed and whose head was constantly exhibited to her.

Again, Captain Guard’s diary gives the names of some of the twelve men who were killed and eaten.

More evidence in the same vein is available if you look for it instead of just seeking “interpretations”.

(See for example, A Mission of Honour, John McLean, 2010, ISBN 1 872970 23 0.)

Reliance on such things as a Tribunal report shows all too clearly the extreme lack of judgement in you and your collection of “experts”.

Why no mention of 177 settler
homes destroyed by Maori?

It would be more appropriate if, for example, you studied with care the list given by Grayling of the 177 settler homesteads and farms destroyed by the tribal rebels in little more than a year in 1860-61, with damage reckoned to be £123,608.

(See The War in Taranaki, W I Grayling, 1862.)

Why no call for apology
and compensation of settlers?

It would be simple, natural justice if the tribes concerned were to offer a profound apology to the descendants of these victims and to make financial recompense to them from the fat Treaty settlements that they have received in recent years.

Perhaps $35,000,000 would be a reasonable payment for them to make — barely $200,000 per farm; little enough in relation to today’s value for a Taranaki farm property.

Why does Day not counter
Moon’s evidence?

The other thing which is significant about your letter is that it does not contain a single piece of evidence to counter what I have provided to you, to show where you are wrong.

I suggest that this is simply because you are incapable of doing so.

Is it because he’s prejudiced
in favour of griever Maori?

In other words, you are simply flying in the face of sound evidence, and what you say is based largely on prejudice and attempted defence of an indefensible position.

You need to be aware that there is an increasing number of able and well-informed persons in this fair country who are not prepared to tolerate the sort of propaganda of which there is all too much in your exhibition — people who are determined that a true account of our nation’s history must be established in the place of increasingly distorted version which has pervaded society and been fed to our schoolchildren since 1975.

They will not rest until this is achieved.

Do think hard about this.

I am,
Yours faithfully,
Bruce M



Bruce Moon

To: Director, Puke Ariki (New Plymouth Museum)
Sent: 10 January 2013

Dear Director,

I attach a copy of my letter of 8th inst. to K Day, in reply to his of 20th December, which will be available to you.

In view of the manifest inadequacies in his work which have now been established, I suggest that you deal with this matter yourself, instead of referring it to him as you did previously.

This Horrid Practice
shows Maori cannibalism
was nationwide

With respect to the cannibalism of the crew of the Harriet by Ngatiruanui, you should also refer to the very thorough work This Horrid Practice (2008, ISBN 978 014 300671 8) by Paul Moon (not a relation of mine), which shows that cannibalism was practised throughout the entire country, though he does not mention the Harriet butchery in particular.

The more proof,
the more denial

As he remarked to me only yesterday, it seems that cannibalism denial is on the rise, which he finds inexplicable.

Indeed, it appears that the stronger the evidence of such practices amongst pre-Treaty Maoris becomes, the more strongly the propagandists who are rewriting our history into a distorted, politically acceptable form choose to proclaim the contrary.

Even in the remote south there was cannibalism, as the pathetic remains described by A.C. and N.C. Begg in Dusky Bay (Whitcombe and Tombs, Christchurch, 1966) make clear.

Chief told captain that
Ngatiruanui were worst tribe

It is also interesting to note from the evidence of Captain Lambert of HMS Alligator that one of the principal chiefs at Kapiti, who may have been Te Rauparaha himself, told him that Ngatiruanui

“were of the worst tribe of persons in the whole of New Zealand; renegades and people that had escaped from various tribes for thefts and every crime that could possibly be thought of.” 

One would not expect Te Rauparaha to praise his enemies but this account is much less than complimentary.

You should note that I do not intend to let this matter rest and this correspondence is being circulated widely.

Yours faithfully,

Bruce Moon



Aldo Miccio
To: Bruce Moon
Cc: Michael Lincolne
Sent: 11 January 2013

Dear Bruce


Thank you for acknowledging my letter of 19 December and for your letter of 22 December requesting the withdrawal of a video from the current Taranaki Wars exhibition at the Nelson Provincial Museum.

I would like to reiterate that Nelson City Council has no jurisdiction over the nature and detail of exhibitions that run at the Nelson Provincial Museum; any operational decisions the Museum makes are not subject to approval or interference by Nelson City Council.

I note that you sent a copy of your letter to Tasman Bays Heritage Trust and New Plymouth District Council; it is for them to take direct action.

Yours sincerely

Aldo Miccio
Mayor of Nelson



From: Bruce Moon
To: Aldo Miccio (Mayor of Nelson)
Cc: Michael Lincolne
Sent: 14 January 2013

Dear Mayor Aldo,

Thank you for your letter of 11th January in which you state again that your Council has no jurisdiction over displays at the Nelson Provincial Museum.  I accept this of course.

Nevertheless, surely it is of concern to you and your Council that there is in our city, an exhibition at the Museum which is riddled with falsehoods and distortions of the history of our country?

This being so (and I have supplied much evidence of it), it would surely be entirely proper if it were suggested to the Heritage Trust that you have been informed that there are many flaws in the exhibition for which they are responsible and that an investigation of the situation might well be appropriate?

I am myself continuing to pursue the matter with the bodies you nominate who are directly responsible and, for your information, I attach a copy of my recent letter to the Director of Puke Ariki Museum in New Plymouth.

Yours sincerely,

Bruce Moon



Kelvin Day
To: Bruce Moon
Sent: 20 January 2013

Dear Bruce

I acknowledge your letters of 8 January and 10 January to the New Plymouth District Council regarding the exhibition Te Ahi Ka Roa, Te Ahi Katoro Taranaki War 1860-2012 Our Legacy – Our Challenge, which is currently on at Nelson Museum.

I have been asked to respond in my current capacity as Acting Manager of  Puke Ariki.

As we have indicated in previous letters, Puke Ariki stands by the content of the exhibition which we believe offers the best overall representation of the events of this period.

We have considered the particular issues you raised in your letter of 8 January around the Harriet Incident.

While we respect your right to an opinion and acknowledge your research on the subject, in this instance we do not feel it is appropriate to change the content of the exhibition.

The exhibition was deliberately designed to allow multiple community voices to heard, an example of this being the narrative presented around the Harriet Incident which you mentioned.

As the accompanying text label says, such narratives may be different from accounts people have encountered in the past but it is our belief that such an approach allows for different perspectives to be heard and discussion generated.

It also acknowledges that history is often made up of multiple voices, perspectives and interpretations of the same events.

You will have noticed that within the exhibition there is the facility for visitors to give their opinions on the exhibition which are then displayed publicly.

This was a powerful feature of the exhibition here in Taranaki and we understand that it has been well-utilised at Nelson Museum.

We would encourage you to add a comment.

With regard to other matters you raise in your letter, such as your concerns around the Waitangi Tribunal, we are not in a position to answer to these issues and recommend you contact these organisations directly.

Yours faithfully

Kelvin Day
Acting Manager
Puke Ariki



From: T. B. Horne
To: Bruce Moon
Cc: The Mayor, Nelson City Council, The Mayor, Tasman District Council
Sent: 23 January 2013

Dear Bruce,

I refer to our telephone conversations of 14th and 18th January 2013 and your letter of 14th January concerning the Taranaki Wars Exhibition

Thank you for your interest in the Exhibition and in our museum.

The Exhibition has 2 elements. The major part was researched and prepared by Puke Ariki. It was on display for a considerable period of time in New Plymouth. A much smaller amount of additional material was prepared by the Nelson Museum and related to the effects on the Nelson province.

The Trust has looked into matters you have raised and we comment as follows:

•   We are not aware of any criticisms in respect of the material prepared by the Nelson Museum about the impact on the Nelson province.

•    Puke Ariki have made it very clear that they stand behind their material and research. We note the extensive research they undertook over a lengthy period and accept their position.

•   There has been an issue raised about a video which is shown near the start of the exhibition. Puke Ariki again stands behind this video and we believe they have explained that to you. We believe the context of the video is clearly communicated. The written explanation states that the story is told from an Iwi perspective. The video itself states that this is a story normally told from a settler viewpoint. The context is therefore made very clear to any viewer.

Accordingly we do not see any need to amend any of the Exhibition or to withdraw the video.

Yours sincerely

TB Home
Chairman Tasman Bays Heritage Trust



From: Bruce Moon
To: Kelvin Day (Acting Manager, Puke Ariki Museum)
Sent: 26 January 2013

To hand is yet another extraordinary letter from you, dated 20th January last.

It is clear that you ignore entirely the great deal of incontrovertible evidence of the falsehoods in the exhibition which I have provided to you and which, if you care to look, must be abundantly clear to you.

Instead you attempt to justify your reply by telling me you “respect my right to an opinion”.  This is wholly beside the point: I do not offer you any “opinion”; I provide hard evidence ~ something entirely different.

You claim the “exhibition was deliberately designed to allow multiple community voices to be heard” and there is nothing wrong with that per se, but in no way whatever does this entitle anybody to tell falsehoods which in some cases are evidently deliberate lies.  Again “perspective” masquerading as history cannot be justified on any legitimate grounds.  Here it is a ‘weasel word’.

Of course the Harriet video account is “different from accounts people have encountered in the past” because it is a falsehood manufactured by somebody along the way with contempt for the facts. There is hard and clear evidence that Taranaki Maoris slaughtered and ate twelve of the crew of the Harriet and that Elizabeth Guard was subjected to many horrifying and degrading experiences during captivity.

Concerning the “Waitangi Tribunal”, I was not raising issues which might be addressed directly to it in due course (a matter outside the immediate issues I raise with you).  What concerns me in the present context is the heavy reliance you appear to place on the reports of a corrupt organization.  Its claim that the Parihaka incident was a”holocaust” is an example of that.  You ignore too the reliable testimony of Brian Priestley that it would be hard to imagine any body whose procedures were less likely to establish the truth than the Tribunal.  You ignore such sage advice and rely on that tribunal.

You claim that “history is often made up of multiple voices, perspectives and interpretations of the same events.”  It is not.  History is an account which is as accurate as it can be of events which actually happened in the past and nothing else.  There may be a place for “interpretations” and so on, provided they are clearly labelled as such, not falsely depicted as if they were the truth in so much of your exhibition.

Frankly, I am appalled that a person who evidently suffers from so many delusions in these matters should be in a prestigious position where he can wield much influence.

You asked for my comments.  You have them.

I inform you that this correspondence will be circulated widely.

Yours faithfully,

Bruce Moon



Bruce Moon
To: T.B. Horne (Chairman , Tasman Bays Heritage Trust)
Cc: Mayor, Nelson City Council, Mayor, Tasman District Council, and others
Sent: 26 January 2013

Dear Mr Horne,

I have to hand your letter of 23rd last.  Needless to say, I am disappointed with your wholly negative reply.  I respond to your points.

1. I did not claim that there was any directly negative impact on the Nelson area in this exhibition.  However, I am concerned that Nelson residents and our many summer visitors are being exposed to this allegedly historical record of one part of our country’s history which contains many falsehoods, some of them apparently barefaced lies, and many errors of omission which present a thoroughly distorted picture.

2. Puke Ariki have, as you say, “made it very clear that they stand behind their material”.  The so-called “extensive research over a lengthy period” which they claim to have made, is to a very great degree, no more that quasi-research which fails abjectly by any objective and scholarly standard.  You simply have no valid grounds for “accepting their position” on its face value.  Any critical review of their bald assertions would have recognized this.

3. Referring to the video issue for which it must be abundantly clear that endorsement by Puke Ariki is entirely worthless.   Any tribe is entitled to have a “perspective” but not on any grounds whatever can this be allowed to mean it is entitled to tell lies concocted by someone, such as its flat denial that twelve of the crew of the “Harriet” were killed and eaten and that Elizabeth Guard was subjected to the most horrifying experiences during her captivity.  That the story is “normally told from a settler viewpoint” is wholly irrelevant.  The video is a straight perversion of history.

I note that you “do not see any need to amend any of the exhibition or to withdraw the video” and regret the negativity you display.

You will have noted, I dare say, my “Voices” article in the “The Nelson Mail” on Saturday last, 25th January, with the headline, aptly chosen by the editor, of  “Parihaka posturing glosses over history of savagery”.

I offer it to you as a verifiable and accurate historical account of the behaviour of some Taranaki tribes.

As I have informed Kelvin Day in the copy of my letter of 26th January attached, there will be an important meeting in the Suburban Club, Tahunanui, at 7:30pm on Wednesday 13th February.

You are invited cordially to attend this meeting together with all the members of your Trust and your spouses, if they care to come.

I advise you that I do not intend to let this matter rest and this correspondence is being circulated widely.

Yours faithfully,

B. A. Moon

encl: Copy of letter from K Day of 20th  January 2013, Copy of my reply to K Day, dated 26th January 2013.


Tauranga: what a difference a fair media makes

Last night’s meeting at Hotel Armitage in Tauranga was the sort of thing I had in mind when I organised this short tour — provided the local media got into the spirit of racial equality.

The local Sunlive and Weekend Sun newspaper certainly did, and I didn’t see many of the 217 seats empty, if any.

(Certainly not once I’d invited my protestor friends to come in and see my evidence!)

I’ll let Trina pick up the story from an email she sent round to our Treatygate email group:


Room was full!

Police were there at the entrance and a couple were standing up the hallway to the doorway of the meeting room.

Security guard stayed in the room throughout the meeting.

John invited the protestors into the speech and they were very respectful and kept quiet.

They stood around at the back and sat among people at the back.

I was a little late and ended up plonking myself down on a seat right infront of them because it was the first empty seat I saw!

John’s speech was provoking alot of scoffing and negative comments from the Maori around me and I was thinking this could really explode at question time, so I was feeling quite uptight.

But they did not create any issue’s throughout John’s speech.

His speech did not go on for too long it was good.

John recieved claps and laughs and good support from the people in the crowd.

What I think was so absolutely wonderful was when his speech ended.


We had a couple of Maori play on the emotional side but they got shot down.

Then we had a Maori guy stand up and give John his support because he could see what John was trying to achieve.

Another Maori guy met with John at the end and said he did not agree with everything John said in his speech but he liked the opportunity it has given everybody to talk openly with eachother.

One European guy challenged John on his points about Parihaka.

Another European guy told John he thought he was being very selective in what he presented and then started going on and on in a denigrating manner and then he got shut down by everyone else.

We had the leader of the protest group get up and very respectfully explain that they are not getting the money it all goes to the leaders – which we all know and I clapped with a few others after what he said because I agreed.

We did a show of hands on who would like a colourblind state and the majority put up their hands.

A lady got up and said that she worked with children.

She said children do not see any differences between people – it is when they get older they are taught to see the differences and make judgments.

Other people said we need to move on from the past.

Guy’s it was a great meeting for what it brought about.

John should feel very pleased. Hopefully he can fill you in on other bits that I have missed because I could not hear what everybody was saying.


Thanks Trina for this and for your dogged research work. Thanks too to:

  • Rudi du Plooy, who organised the Auckland meeting with (needless to say) no help whatsover from the NZ Herald.
  • Vinny Eastwood (Mr News), who videoed the Auckland meeting for free and will be loading it on his site.
  • Robbie in Tauranga, who, despite not owning a computer, worked his networks tirelessly and formed a constructive relationship with the excellent Sun newspaper.
  • Karen Bridgman for helping me to structure my naturally scattered creative brain. As a result, I’m told my second talk was much better than the first — and will continue to improve.
  • All of my daily email confidantes, collaborators and informants: Mike Butler, Martin Doutre, Ross Baker, Jean Jackson, and others who may prefer to remain semi-anonymous: Brenda, Basil, Perry, Helen, Lyn, Caroline, George, Ian and various other Johns. (I’m typing under urgency and am almost certain I’m forgetting some — if so, my apologies.)

Kapiti is ON

Therefore: those of you who live in the northern suburbs of Wellington: what about heading north on Wednesday rather than south on Thursday.

More in this vein when I get home.

Thanks those in Tauranga who came along despite fears of a riot. And thanks to the Maori protestors who

Colourblind State, Together New Zealand, Treatygate

Together New Zealand: an inclusive identity

This is my idea of a brand identity which would unite New Zealanders under one multiracial banner.

My inspiration for the design (rendered by Rachel Cunliffe to a suggestion from my friend Perry) was the team huddle of the Silver Ferns netball team.

Inspiration for the logo: the Silver Ferns team huddle.

Now there’s no doubt our similarly multiracial All Blacks are the ultimate world model of excellent sporting performance.

But the Silver Ferns have always been the ultimate in excellent sportsmanship and behaviour, both on and off the court — the perfect ambassadors for our country.

(When was the last time you opened a newspaper to a story about ‘Former Silver Fern hits husband’ or ‘Ex-Silver Fern found drunk in gutter’? I don’t think it’s ever happened.)

This year’s squad list includes Maori names Tutaia and Te Huinga Reo (Selby-Rickit), Pacific names (correct me if I’m wrong, girls) Latu and Naoupu, Europeans Grant, Harrison and Williams, and our pet South African giraffes van Dyk and de Bruin.

And of course coach Waimarama Taumanu is Maori.

All Blacks all races

Same on the rugby field, where a Maori halfback (Aaron Smith or Piri Weepu) passes to British New Zealander Dan Carter, who passes to Samoan New Zealander Ma’a Nonu, who passes to British New Zealander Conrad (and sometimes Ben) Smith, who flicks it on to Samoan New Zealander Julian Savea, or to Israel Dagg (what’s he: Jewish? Maori? Who cares!)

And how can we forget those wonderful Tongan and Fijian wingers Johah Lomu and Josefata Rokocoko?

Race is irrelevant in our star sports teams. Should it not also be so in our nation as a whole?

I’m off to Toast Martinborough to relax after a busy week, and to think about my next move.

Potential party

My inclination is to form an organisation called Together New Zealand, and do it in such a way that it could quickly be converted into a political party.

I am quite relaxed about who leads the organisation, and whether I am simply the catalyst or something more.

That, I imagine, will be determined by the calibre of people who step forward.

My next priority will be to appeal to serious funders, now that we have a few runs on the board.

This week’s four meetings were a testing of the water, to see what level of support I could get just from this blog and my email network.

(I also ran one small ad on the letters page in Tauranga.)

Blog booming

Blog traffic has grown tenfold in recent months, from around 200 visits a day to over 2000.

I’m certainly not at Kiwiblog or Whaleoil levels, but I’m pleased that interest is clearly on the rise.

Now: what are your thoughts about the Together New Zealand identity?

For my part, I see Treatygate as a strong short-term brand for clearing the road block that is the Treaty industry, and Together New Zealand as the positive long-term brand for focusing on the road.

Colourblind State, Treatygate

Kapiti meeting encouraging, roll on Wellington tonight

For a meeting that had no advertising and no local media stoking it along, I was very pleased to see 35 people at my Kapiti meeting last night.

(Especially since only 8 had pre-registered.)

After the 200 in Tauranga, I thought this turnout at Lindale was a good sign of what is possible when we really get organised.

People came last night from Wanganui, Palmerston North, Levin and Lower Hutt, just as they came to Tauranga from Hamilton and Rotorua.

And then there was the one and only Robbie, who I call ‘my stalker’.

Robbie was not only a big part of the Tauranga success, but also drove to the Auckland and Kapiti meetings, and will be at the Museum Art Hotel in Wellington tonight.

Thanks Robbie for all your help yesterday, especially after it became apparent that intruding daylight was going to make it impossible for people to see my slides on the screen.

Robbie refused to take no for an answer, and suffice it to say before too long the Lindale handyman was up on the roof covering the big skylights with panels and a big tarpaulin was installed over the double doorway.

It was a great relief to me that, thanks to the initiative of Robbie and Dion (the handyman), my audience was actually able to see my evidence!

I trust such things will not be a problem tonight at the Museum Art Hotel in Wellington. We kick off at 6.30pm.

These are exploratory meetings at the moment, to gauge the public mood, to harvest ideas, and to see who wants to take the concept further.

It’s apparent that many do, and some good people are putting their names forward.

I do hope we see you tonight.

(If you don’t come, you almost certainly won’t read about it in the Dominion Post — whose editor banned my ACT ad headlined ‘Fed up with pandering to Maori radicals?’)

Hawkes Bay meeting planned

I heard last night that someone is keen to organise a meeting in Napier or Hastings.

I have many keen supporters in Hawkes Bay, so I look forward to hearing more about that.

Colourblind State, Treatygate

Kapiti this evening, Wellington tomorrow

About to head up the line to prepare for tonight’s meeting at Lindale Auditorium at 7pm.

If you can’t make it tonight, I hope to see you tomorrow at the Museum Art Hotel, Wellington at 6.30pm.

I’m not expecting a big turnout in Kapiti in this exploratory phase of the campaign, where I’ve been relying on word of mouth and enthusiasts beating the tom-toms.

So if you know anyone between Paekakariki and Levin, why not drop them a line?

Tell them the talk is called From Treatygate to a Colourblind State — Let’s Be Worldbeaters Together!

Tell them the pushback has started!

My Tauranga experience showed me that there are many New Zealanders who are keen for the other side of the Treaty story to be told.

Now it’s Wellingtonians’ turn to show their support for a New Zealand where all citizens have equal rights, live under the one law, vote on the one roll, and have their taxes spent according to need, not race.

I’m not expecting any support from the Dominion Post, given its track record to date.

Last year our local rag showed itself to be averse to racial equality by banning my ACT ad headlined “Fed up with pandering to Maori radicals?” So you’re unlikely to read anything about the meeting there.

If you do, it will be like the equally racist NZ Herald, whose journalist turned up to my Auckland meeting just long enough to report the turnout, then left almost as soon as I started presenting my Treatygate evidence.

C’mon Wellington, if you want to show the various elites that the game’s up on the Treaty rort, it’s time for you to stand up and be part of the pushback.

See you tonight or tomorrow.

Oh, and that anthem I’m using: Tom Petty’s I Won’t Back Down.



Auckland meetings

Just a short word on the Auckland meetings, as I have to prepare for Tauranga this evening.

About 60 came to the Greenlane meeting, and about 30 to the Finlayson meeting at Orewa.

I was disappointed that many who said they were coming didn’t make it, but I also understand that 60 for a political meeting on a Saturday afternoon in Auckland with only word-of-mouth and blog advertising is pretty good.

In the morning, I had to keep my arm in the air for many minutes before the Appeaser-General finally saw it jutting up in the front row directly ahead of him.

He seemed positively gleeful about the progress he was making surrendering New Zealand to Griever Maori. In listing all the settlements he had achieved, he didn’t once seem to consider it relevant to enquire as to whether the claims were fair.

I raised this subject, and he asked which claims I considered unfair.

I gave as an example the payment of hundreds of thousands of dollars to Te Kooti’s descendants, when Te Kooti’s Hauhau troops had committed the most barbaric atrocities, such as tossing the three Lavin children in the air and impaling them on bayonets.

I could equally have said the $10 million he is compensating Ngati Toa for the loss of their marine empire, meaning Te Rauparaha’s right to cross Cook Strait and slaughter, butcher and devour Ngai Tahu.

This ogre, after whom is named the Arena in Porirua, once slit open the stomach of a live pregnant woman and roasted the foetus on a stick. That was at Kaiapoi.

The Orewa audience consisted of many National Party members, but most seemed very much opposed to Finlayson’s defence of his Treaty position.

When I asked what he would do if he learned that 80% of New Zealanders supported a New Zealand where all citizens had equal rights, lived under the one law, voted on the one roll, and had their taxes spent according to need, not race, he said he doubted whether I spoke for many at all.

Judging by the chorus of approval from his party members when I mooted the idea of polling the people, I wouldn’t be so sure about that, Chris!

He has been on record as saying “It’s very hard to please Mr Ansell.”

Not at all. All his leader would have to do was run New Zealand as a democracy.

In the afternoon, I was much relieved to be able to set my own agenda. In interviews, you never know when the next question is coming, so you can tend to cram too much in. (Or at least I can.)

When you’re in control, you can lay out your evidence at your own pace.

Sadly, my week before was taken up with far more admin than I’d counted on, so the presentation was not as structured as I’d have liked. But I did put up 130 slides worth of compelling evidence, and I hope attendees got something out of it.

Mr News, Vinny Eastwood, recorded the whole thing, and I’m getting tonight’s Tauranga speech recorded for you as well.

That might include a chat between me and 100-200 protestors.

The organisers have told the police that it will be peaceful, by which I suppose they mean non-violent rather than silent. :-).

I’ve had a lot of registrations for Wellington, but not many for Kapiti, so will decide whether to go ahead with that meeting after tonight.

The Sun newspaper in Tauranga has given me, and the Treaty issue, a great deal of coverage. They interviewed me earlier for their website, and that footage may make its way on to 3News at 10pm, and possibly One as well.

I noticed the Herald journalist stayed long enough to report on the numbers, but left soon after the start of the speech. Hmmm.

More later.

I haven’t had time to monitor the blog, and apologise for what I understand is being done to it.

I have discussed the matter with the police, and they have made a good suggestion, which I’ll be following up. Our friends are certainly giving us plenty of evidence.



NOW is the right time to do the right thing – not later

I’m getting quite a few people telling me that they support what I’m doing, but don’t want to get involved until they’ve seen how the initial meetings go.

Well, to me, that’s not good enough.

Therefore let me say this…

Whatever we become — a political party or whatever — I will be giving priority to those who gave me their support when I needed it most.

And that is right now — starting tomorrow, in Greenlane. Not some time in the future.

Just so you know. 🙂

Also, do not assume from the name of the venue that I am anything to do with the Christian right. I am most decidedly not.

I am not religious, as I prefer to use my mind to think for myself.

But I know many wonderful people who are.

Some of them are praying for me, and I am very touched by that.


INVITATION TO SPEECH: ‘From Treatygate To A Colourblind State – Let’s Be Worldbeaters Together!’


These are the four meetings I’ve arranged to test the water for a movement to push for a unified, worldbeating New Zealand.

Please send the government a strong message by turning up in force, and urging your database of friends to do likewise.


Date: Saturday 10 November.
Time: 3.15pm.
Place: Greenlane Christian Centre.
Address: 17 Marewa Road, Greenlane.
Seating: 650.


Date: Monday 12 November.
Time: 6.30pm.
Place: Armitage Hotel.
Address: 9 Willow Street, Tauranga City Centre.
Seating: 200.

Kapiti Coast

Date: Wednesday 14 November
Time: 7.00pm.
Place: Lindale Auditorium.
Address: State Highway 1, Paraparaumu
Seating: 170 (500 if needed).


Date: Thursday 15 November
Time: 6.30pm.
Place: Museum Art Hotel.
Address: 90 Cable Street.
Seating: 80.


Not vital, but if you’re coming I’d appreciate it if you’d email and tell me.

The email traffic should tell me whether to schedule a second meeting (say 8pm) in Tauranga or Wellington.

Now why not email your database with this link.

To give them the flavour, you might like to paste this message in the body of the email…


Fellow Kiwis,

Do you think New Zealand should be a ‘colourblind’ state, where skin colour is irrelevant and all citizens have equal rights, live under the one law, vote on the one roll, and have their hard-earned taxes spent according to need, not race?

Do you notice how our racially-blended rugby, softball and netball teams routinely work together to come 1st in the world — yet our governments, with their policies of division, seem happy running an economy that’s 38th (and falling)?

Do you wonder what our champion sportspeople know about winning that our politicians don’t?

Do you think we can ever move forward as a truly competitive nation when we’re being forever dragged back to the past?

Do you know that much of what you’ve been told about the Treaty of Waitangi has been invented by dishonest politicians, academics, bureaucrats, judges, media owners and iwi leaders for their own political gain?

Do you want to see my evidence of what I call Treatygate? (Prepare to be amazed.)

Do you believe criticism is the same thing as racism?

Do you realise that when you’re called ‘racist’ for criticising the endless indulgence of Griever Maori, that’s just a trick that real racists use to keep you quiet?

Do you think maybe it’s time you weren’t so quiet?

Do you think it’s time to show those tricksters that their tricks aren’t going to work any more?

Do you think it’s time to show this government that the game’s up for their policy of appeasement?

If you’re nodding along with me, then there are three things you can do for your country:

  1. Come to one of my meetings:
    • Saturday 10 November, 3.15pm, Greenlane Christian Centre, Auckland.
    • Monday 12 November, 6.30pm, Armitage Hotel, Tauranga.
    • Wednesday 14 November, 7pm, Lindale Auditorium, Kapiti Coast.
    • Thursday 15 November, 6.30pm, Museum Art Hotel, Wellington.
  2. Even if you don’t live in one of these centres, email those in your database who do.
  3. Stay tuned for news of meetings in other centres. (Better still, volunteer to organise one. :-))

Who am I?

I’m no one special — just 1/4.5 millionth of the population, just like you, who’s had enough.

Where I’m a bit different is that I’ve worked with politicians on and off for the last 25 years, making their ads.

And I’ve learnt that these people are virtually all covering up the truth about the Treaty of Waitangi.

Because of that, I’ve spent the last year digging flat out for the truth.

And now I’m ready to share with you what I’ve found out.

I want to raise funds for a massive ad campaign to tell as many Kiwis as possible about what has been 40 years of state-sponsored deception.

I believe that once voters know how badly they’ve been conned, they’ll get so mad the politicians will have to mend their ways — or else.

Maybe we’ll have to replace those politicians with men and women of integrity.

I’ll be talking about that too.

Maybe we’ll need to persuade the most visionary and most compassionate people in the country to make themselves available to run the country.

(Refer to Singapore for what can happen when such people say Yes!)

I’m not sure where this journey will lead. But I have a feeling it will be somewhere good — for all of us.

In the end, that will be up to you, and the determination and courage you show now.

I’ve gone out on a limb and booked these four venues.

Now I want to fill them — by word of mouth, not advertising.

(I want to spend my precious advertising funds exposing the Treatygate fraud and outlining a positive solution.)

Therefore, I need you to help me fill the venues.

Will you do that?

Will you email your database right now with this link?

Thanks. I knew I could count on you!

Let’s build on the blueprint of the All Blacks, the Black Sox and the Silver Ferns and build a stronger, united, worldbeating New Zealand.

Clearing the Treatygate road block is just the start!

John Ansell


Interrogate the Appeaser-General this Saturday morning — at Orewa

Seems I’m not the only person talking about the Treaty in Auckland this Saturday 10 November.

‘Appeaser-General’ Chris Finlayson — the man progressively surrendering your country to extortionists — will be speaking on the Treaty settlement process from 9.00 – 10.30am.

In, of all places, Orewa.

His public meeting will be in the Orewa Primary School Hall, 86 Maire Road.

I plan to be in the front row.

There will be questions at the end.

I plan to ask one or two.

(I’m guessing one — since the Scaredy Nats won’t want my inconvenient truths upsetting their members.)

That’s why I’m hoping you guys will turn up in droves to keep up the inquisition.

In fact, why don’t we use the comments thread to work out the best questions to ask?

Oh and yes, I realise this early meeting might reduce the attendance at my own speech later in the day (3.15pm, Greenlane Christian Centre, 17 Marewa Road).

I hope not. But if so, so be it.

The way I see it, the chance to question the guard of the Treaty Gravy Train in the town where his former leader spoke so bravely against everything he stands for, is just too symbolic to resist.

I hope you’ll still come to my meeting at 3.15pm, as there are 650 seats we’d like to fill.

But don’t do it just because I’m going to make a rip roaring speech that you’d be sorry to miss. 🙂

Do it to send a message to your politicians that 80%+ of New Zealanders want a country where all citizens have equal rights, live under the one law, vote on the one roll, and have their taxes spent according to need, not race.

A full auditorium would send them that message.

Hey, what about making a day of it and coming to both meetings?


Tauranga meeting at the Armitage Hotel

I’ve thought better of keeping my Tauranga venue for next Monday’s meeting secret.

The letter writers in the Weekend Sun have shown me that there are indeed some brave people in the Bay of Plenty who are prepared to stand up for racial equality.

They are not all cowards like the venue owners who shut their doors to me for fear of upsetting local Maori.

The venue that said Yes to hosting my meeting was the Armitage Hotel, 9 Willow Street, Tauranga City Centre.

I thank them, and recommend you stay there whenever possible. I hope to see you there next Monday 12 November at 6.30pm.

If more than 200 want to come, I’ll have another meeting at 8.00pm.

If you live in the Bay of Plenty, I hope you will come to the Armitage to register your support for a Colourblind State where all citizens have equal rights, live under the one law, vote on the one roll, and have their taxes spent according to need, not race.

It’s a concept worth coming out for. I hope you’ll come out next Monday.

Waikato people:
Auckland or Tauranga?

Waikato people: as we’ve yet to organise a Hamilton meeting, you can either come to Tauranga next Monday, or Auckland this Saturday afternoon at 3.15pm at the Greenlane Christian Centre, 17 Marewa Road, Greenlane.

Tauranga attendees:
please register

So I can tell whether to hold a second meeting, please register for Tauranga by emailing

Wellington and Kapiti

I have an offer in the pipeline to host a Wellington meeting on Wednesday 14 November, and another for Kapiti the next night, Thursday 15th.

Still to be confirmed though.

Please email everyone you know about the Auckland and Tauranga meetings.

Let’s come out in force and prove to the government and the media that New Zealanders are sick and tired of the Treatygate con and want to move forward together as a fair and equal society.


1831 Maori petition to King for protection

This is T.L. Buick’s account of the petition from 13 Ngapuhi chiefs that the King responded to in my earlier post.

For ease of reading, I’ll spread out the words below.

Then I’ll show you some blow-ups of relevant parts of the original English and Maori documents.

You will notice some words which have a bearing on what Maori are claiming today.

First, the words:


KING WILLIAM — We, the chiefs of New Zealand assembled at this place, called the Kerikeri, write to thee, for we hear that thou art the great chief of the other side of the water, since the many ships which come to our land are from thee.

We are a people without possessions.

We have nothing but timber, flax, pork and potatoes, we sell these things, however, to your people, and then we see property of the Europeans.

It is only thy land which is liberal towards us.

From thee also come the Missionaries who teach us to believe on Jehovah God, and on Jesus Christ His Son.

We have heard that the tribe of Marian [the French] is at hand coming to take away our land, therefore we pray thee to become our friend and the guardian of these Islands, lest through the teazing of other tribes should come war to us, and lest strangers should come and take away our land.

And if any of thy people should be troublesome or vicious towards us (for some persons are living here who have run away from ships), we pray thee to be angry with them that they may be obedient, lest the anger of the people of this land fall upon them.

This letter is from us the chiefs of the natives of New Zealand:

Warerahi                                         chief of Paroa
Rewa                                                chief of Waimate
Patuone                                           chief of Hokianga
Nene                                                 chief of Hokianga
Kekeao                                             chief of Ahuahu
Titore                                               chief of Kororarika
Tamoranaga                                  chief of Taiamai
Ripe                                                  chief of Mapere
Hara                                                 chief of Ohaiawai
Atuahaere                                       chief of Kaikohe
Moetara                                           chief of Pakanai
Matangi                                           chief of Waima
Taunai                                             chief of Hutakura

Spot anything interesting there?

Let’s have a look at the original English document:

We are a people without possessions. We have nothing but timber, flax, pork and potatoes.”

No mention in 1831 of Maori owning fish, land, water, or wind — let alone an electromagnetic spectrum from which to extort radio licences.

Now here’s an excerpt from the Maori version of the same petition.

Note how the word taonga is used for both possessions and property.

This accords with the definition in the first Maori dictionary produced by Cambridge University’s Professor Lee in 1820: “Property procured by the spear, &c.”

Lee’s linguistic consultant on that dictionary was none other than the great Ngapuhi chief Hongi Hika, in England seeking muskets with which to massacre his rivals on his return.

Hongi clearly didn’t feel his taonga included the Maori language or radio waves. Or watery waves for that matter. Or treasures of any kind.

His taonga was clearly his stuff.

Here it is again in English:

Note the archaic rendition of the double ‘s’.

And did you notice that bottom line…

“It is only thy land which is liberal towards us.”

In other words, the Maori knew the British were a compassionate people.

And they desperately wanted British protection before the French got to them.

Why were they so afraid of the French?

Because of what they did to a French captain and his crew in 1772.

And, more to the point, what the French did back to them.

In that year, 59 years before this petition was signed, Northland Maori murdered French captain Marion du Fresne and 27 of his crew.

Their crime: fishing without a licence.

As you can sort of see in this painting by Charles Meryon, the captain had been getting on very well with the locals up to that point.

But unbeknownst to him, the bay in which he chose to take his men for a spot of angling was tapu. How was he supposed to know?

Still, ignorance of the lore was no excuse.

And being god-fearing types, his new friends thought they’d better kill and eat all 28 of their visitors, just to be on the safe side.

(As you do.)

Their mistake was to assume that only Maori were into massively disproportionate overreaction.

Because when the rest of du Fresne’s crew saw that their captain and crewmates had been torn limb from limb and served up for dinner, they torched the whole village and killed 250 of its inhabitants.

And when news of the massacre reached the French homeland, they were none too impressed with these South Sea Island savages. One day they might have to teach them some more lessons.

So when the French came calling in the 1830s, the Ngapuhi were justifiably terrified.

The last thing they needed was to be colonised by a people who seemed every bit as barbarous as they were.

And that is the main reason why they petitioned King William IV for protection.

Also right up there in their list of fears was the “teazing of other tribes” — not just the “tribe of Marian”, but also Ngapuhi’s now-well-armed neighbours who would soon want to avenge the one-sided ethnic cleansing campaigns of Hongi Hika with his muskets.

And thirdly, they wanted British protection against lawless British who had escaped from the convict settlements in New South Wales.

The Brits were a worry, but not nearly as much of a worry as the French — and each other.


Tauranga’s Weekend Sun gets the balance right

This is why I’m looking forward to going to Tauranga on Monday the 12th. (6.30pm.)

The city’s venue owners may be a cowardly lot, but the letter-writers and Sunlive newspaper are anything but.

Above (and split out below) is yesterday’s letters page from the Weekend Sun.

Note how it’s entirely given over to Treaty issues. And look at the ratio.

Seven of the letters express a racial equality position, and one defends the Griever Maori position.

Is this unfair? Hardly.

We know that whenever the issue of racial preference is tested, around 80% support racial equality.

So, unlike the Consitutitonal Advisory Panel with its equal Maori and European representation, the Weekend Sun dares to represent its readers’ views accurately.

Mind you, they still parrot the mainstream line in describing me as ‘controversial’…

I look forward to the day when racial equality in New Zealand is not seen as controversial.

Opposite the above story on me is this piece on local kaumatua Colin Bidois calling for us to focus on what unites us.

I agree with him.

I also note that his tribe, Ngati Ranginui, recently accepted $38 million of our money in ‘compensation’, when the tribe had taken up arms against the Queen.

Will Mr Bidois now be urging the return of that money in the spirit of unity and fairness?

Now to those letters. They’re worth a read, so here they are in close-up.

First, an authoritative-sounding correction from history honours graduate Basil Kings…

Next, a stout defence of correspondent Mary Brooks for her rebuttal of the all-too-common assertion that the British ‘invaded’ New Zealand.

It must be said that C. Thompson’s own facts are not quite right.

It was Hongi Hika, not Hone Heke (his nephew) who went to England in search of muskets then went on the rampage.

And the petitioning chiefs were also concerned about the vengeful French and lawless British escaped convicts.

Now a letter from A. Taylor on Maori ‘ownership’ of water…

Alastair Bourne tackles the issue of token Maori lawyers and doctors…

D. Holm rails against the endless demands for compensation from ungrateful Maori…

Irish Kiwi Pat Dillon blames both sides for being one-eyed, then tells Maori to get over their historical bitterness…

And to represent the minority view, another Brooks, Patricia, trots out the standard Treatygater line…

I agree that we need to show Griever Maori a little compassion and no amount of money. 🙂

Those wanting to come to the Tauranga meeting on Monday 12 November at 6.30, please register by emailing

Aucklanders, I look forward to seeing you on Saturday 10 November at 3.15pm at the Greenlane Christian Centre.

Colourblind State, Treatygate

Auckland meeting confirmed: next Saturday 10 November, 3.15pm

After much delay, I’m pleased to be able to confirm details of my first public meeting:

Date: Saturday 10 November

Time: 3.15pm

Place: Greenlane Christian Centre

Address: 17 Marewa Road, Greenlane, Auckland.

It’s a big room — 650 seats — so please spread the word.

If each of you phone or email five Aucklanders, and get them to contact five Aucklanders, we’ll get a good crowd.

Yes Rudi, I’ll get you my Auckland database just as soon as I’ve transferred the latest tide of emails!

My Auckland guy is keen, really keen. And he’s not inclined to muck about keeping the location secret. I’m happy with that, and hope you are too.

We’ll have security, and notify the police in case of trouble.

To the GCC, thank you for allowing your auditorium to be used for a meeting about racial equality. I like to think your founder would have approved. 🙂

I’m going to leave Sunday the 11th free to meet with potential funders and other interested people.

If you’d like to meet while I’m in Auckland, email me at

After all the fuss, I must say it’s great to finally have a launch date to focus on.

Precisely what I’m launching is still evolving. 🙂

If you can’t make the Auckland meeting, hopefully we’ll see you in Tauranga two days later on Monday 12 November at 6.30pm.

Haven’t yet decided when to announce that venue, as Bay of Plenty people seem to be pretty scared of — or keen to appease — their local Griever Maori.

For now, keep those Tauranga registrations coming on the above email address.

If we don’t have the courage to show our faces at a meeting to defend such a basic human right as racial equality, do we deserve our country?

I say yes, we do — and we should stand up for it, and be seen to be standing up for it.

What do you say?

UPDATE: I have an offer to organise a meeting on the Kapiti Coast. Let’s know if you could be a starter.

James Busby, T.L.Buick

British reply to 1831 Maori petition for protection

A few months back I visited St Paul’s Church in Paihia, the site of the original Anglican Church Mission.

This plaque at the gate talks about the petition by which 13 Ngapuhi chiefs asked King William IV for protection.

They had three main fears:

  • further revenge by the French for the massacre of Marion du Fresne and his crew in 1772
  • revenge by tribes (now well-armed) for the rampages of Ngapuhi when only they had muskets
  • troublesome British escaped convicts and the like in lawless Kororareka.

The King’s response was to send James Busby to the Bay of Islands to live among the Maori as British Resident.

Below is Busby’s address to the hospitable crowd of 600 Maori who welcomed him to New Zealand.

I particularly draw your attention to the second half of the address, beginning “At one time Great Britain differed but little from what New Zealand is now.”

As usual, I’ve done my best to break up the continuous paragraph to make it easier on your eyes — but clearly plain English was not yet in vogue.


MY FRIENDS –You will perceive by the letter which I have been honoured with the commands of the King of Great Britain to deliver to you, that it is His Majesty’s most anxious wish that the most friendly feeling should subsist between his subjects and yourselves, and how much he regrets that you should have cause to complain of the conduct of any of his subjects.

To foster and maintain this friendly feeling, to prevent as much as possible the recurrence of those misunderstandings and quarrels which have unfortunately taken place, and to give a greater assurance of safety and just dealing both to his own subjects and the people of New Zealand in their commercial transactions with each other, these are the purposes for which His Majesty has sent me to reside amongst you, and I hope and trust that when any opportunities of doing a service to the people of this country shall arise I shall be able to prove to you how much it is my own desire to be the friend of those amongst whom I am come to reside.

It is the custom of His Majesty the King of Great Britain to send one or more of his servants to reside as his representatives in all those countries in Europe and America with which he is on terms of friendship, and in sending one of his servants to reside amongst the chiefs of New Zealand, they ought to be sensible not only of the advantages which will result to the people of New Zealand by extending their commercial intercourse with the people of England, but of the honour the King of a great and powerful nation like Great Britain has done their country in adopting it into the number of those countries with which he is in friendship and alliance.

I am, however, commanded to inform you that in every country to which His Majesty sends his servants to reside as his representatives, their persons and their families, and all that belongs to them are considered sacred.

Their duty is the cultivation of peace and friendship and goodwill, and not only the King of Great Britain, but the whole civilised world would resent any violence which his representative might suffer in any of the countries to which they are sent to reside in his name.

I have heard that the chiefs and people of New Zealand have proved the faithful friends of those who have come among them to do them good, and I therefore trust myself to their protection and friendship with confidence.

All good Englishmen are desirous that the New Zealanders should be a rich and happy people, and it is my wish when I shall have erected my house that all the chiefs will come and visit me and be my friends.

We will then consult together by what means they can make their country a flourishing country, and their people a rich and wise people like the people of Great Britain.

At one time Great Britain differed but little from what New Zealand is now.

The people had no large houses nor good clothing nor good food.

They painted their bodies and clothed themselves with the skins of wild beasts; every chief went to war with his neighbour, and the people perished in the wars of their chiefs even as the people of New Zealand do now.

But after God sent His Son into the world to teach mankind that all the tribes of the earth are brethren, and that they ought not to hate and destroy, but to love and do good to one another, and when the people of England learned His words of wisdom, they ceased to go to war against each other, and all the tribes became one people.

The peaceful inhabitants of the country began to build large houses because there was no enemy to pull them down.

They cultivated their land and had abundance of bread, because no hostile tribe entered into their fields to destroy the fruit of their labours.

They increased the numbers of their cattle because no one came to drive them away.

They also became industrious and rich, and had all good things they desired.

Do you then, O chiefs and tribes of New Zealand, desire to become like the people of England ?

Listen first to the Word of God which He has put into the hearts of His servants the missionaries to come here and teach you.

Learn that it is the will of God that you should all love each other as brethren, and when wars shall cease among you then shall your country flourish.

Instead of the roots of the fern you shall eat bread, because the land shall be tilled without fear, and its fruits shall be eaten in peace.

When there is an abundance of bread we shall labour to preserve flax and timber and provisions for the ships which come to trade, and the ships that come to trade will bring clothing and all other things which you desire.

Thus you become rich, for there are no riches without labour, and men will not labour unless there is peace, that they may enjoy the fruits of their labour.


Thanks to my wonderful volunteer researcher Trina for alerting me to this excerpt from T.L. Buick’s 1914 book The Treaty of Waitangi.

You can download the whole book here.